A SECRET MEDIATION

Little is known publicly about President Asif Ali Zardari’s efforts to play a mediatory role and seek a rapprochement between Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In January 2011, the Iranian president’s special envoy invited Zardari to a conference on the global ‘War Against Terror’ in Tehran. Despite advisers suggesting Pakistan participate at a lower level, Zardari readily accepted and decided to attend personally.

During his visit to Tehran in June 2011 for the conference, Zardari met with Rahbar Ayatollah Khamenei. After initial pleasantries, Zardari asked his delegation members to leave him alone with Iran’s supreme leader. The contents of their discussion remained undisclosed. A press release from the Rahbar’s office merely reiterated the usual diplomatic language about “historical, cultural and religious bonds” and the need to “strengthen Tehran-Islamabad relations in all areas.”

Unusually, Zardari revisited Tehran the following month, meeting the Rahbar one-on-one for a second time in less than 30 days.

I gained more insight into the June meeting with the Rahbar when Iran’s foreign minister, Ali Akbar Salehi, visited Pakistan and met with the president at Bilawal House in Karachi that September. I was present throughout the meeting. Salehi first summarised his visit’s achievements, mentioning signed agreements and reiterating the need to earnestly pursue the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project. He then broached the subject of Iran-Saudi relations, saying, “Mr President, I wish to convey my president’s deep appreciation for your efforts.”

Speaking in hushed tones and glancing over his shoulder, Salehi appeared uncomfortable with my presence. As I rose to leave, Zardari gestured for me to remain seated. Zardari’s face brightened as Salehi disclosed, “Necessary elements are falling into the right place, and it is proceeding in the right direction.” The cryptic nature of these “necessary elements” and the direction of progress intrigued me.

From seeing off military dictator Gen Musharraf to the Osama bin Laden fiasco, from being mired in the Memogate controversy to pushing legislation for greater provincial autonomy and staring down threats of coups, Asif Ali Zardari’s first presidency was anything but ordinary. His former spokesperson and trusted confidant, Farhatullah Babar, recounts the events he was witness to first-hand in The Zardari Presidency (2008-13): Now It Must Be Told. Eos presents exclusive excerpts from the book…

After a pause, Salehi continued, “As we started on your advice and took the first step, a storm erupted in parliament. They even called for my impeachment.” Zardari interjected, “No, I did not give any advice. I only made a request.”

This exchange further piqued my curiosity. Salehi elaborated on his response to the Iranian parliament: “I asked them, what did they expect from me? As foreign minister, is it not my responsibility to talk with everyone, even our enemies? Indeed, it is my job to pursue peace. So why criticise me? Why condemn me merely for seeking to open a window?”

He explained that he had reasoned with parliament that seeking peace was Iran’s own desire and initiative, not driven by external forces. Salehi then revealed that the Iranian ambassador in Riyadh had received a message from the Saudi government stating, “We expect some progress next month”, though he didn’t elaborate further. Zardari didn’t press for details but instead smiled and called for refreshments.

President Zardari informed Salehi that, during his recent trip to Urumqi, he had already briefed the Chinese vice premier about these developments. He explained that this was to enable Chinese leaders to play a role if needed. Salehi listened intently, eager to learn about the Chinese reaction. Zardari noted, “The Chinese vice premier did not respond to my comments,” adding that the premier may have avoided commenting without President Xi’s approval.

Pleased that Iran had accepted his mediatory role, Zardari continued, “When I met the Rahbar, I told him that I would sit in his office and not leave until he agreed. We have no choice but to seek peace and pursue rapprochement. We are all in serious turmoil. Pakistan cannot afford a war between Iran and Saudi Arabia.”

His thoughts seemed to flow rapidly as he jumped from one subject to another.

“Economies are falling apart. I fear this will result in wars. I’ve seen how small mistakes and miscalculations can be disastrous. I witnessed Shevardnadze [then Soviet foreign minister, later President of Georgia] visiting Pakistan. He wanted to discuss Afghan President Najibullah’s offer for a peaceful power transfer. Najibullah was willing to seek a political solution, and the Soviet Union supported this. It was a great opportunity. But our people insisted on a military victory. Egos came into play. They wanted to tell our people that we could win wars. Some were obsessed with a military victory. We all know what happened then. We were misled when they told my wife, ‘Madam Prime Minister, Jalalabad will fall within a week.’”

Zardari also recalled US Ambassador [Robert] Oakley once telling him that the US was unaware Najibullah possessed MiGs and other sophisticated weapons. “Oh, a serious lapse on the part of our intelligence,” Oakley had admitted. “The Americans do not have a plan A, let alone plans B or C,” Zardari remarked.

As he continued speaking, Salehi listened without interruption. Past midnight, the president requested the draft press release of the meeting. He reviewed it, deleting references to currency swap and banking cooperation agreements with Iran and diluting mentions of the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project.

While Zardari may have thought the Americans incapable of executing even plan A, he was careful not to offend the US by publicly acknowledging the growing Pakistan-Iran cooperation. Iran’s Bank Melli had been on the United Nations’ watch list since 2008 for its alleged involvement with Iranian nuclear and missile programmes. The UN had also imposed sanctions on states opening Iranian bank branches in their countries. The president removed references to banking cooperation.

However, the next day’s newspapers quoted a statement from the Prime Minister’s Office, which was front-paged with reports that, “despite UN restrictions on the Iranian banking sector”, Pakistan had signed a banking cooperation agreement with Iran. Zardari was displeased.

Thus, in 2011, Zardari mounted a serious bid to seek Iran-Saudi rapprochement. He was prepared to sit in the Rahbar’s office until the supreme leader agreed. Zardari also informed Chinese leaders about his efforts.

Some speculated that Zardari might have undertaken this initiative at the behest of Chinese leaders, but there was no evidence to support this claim. It remains debatable whether the Chinese encouraged Zardari to undertake this mission in 2011 or were inspired to broker peace between the two nations after Zardari informed them about his secret mediation efforts.

A decade later, in April 2023, the world was stunned to learn that Saudi foreign minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud met his Iranian counterpart, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, in Beijing for the first time in seven years. They agreed to reopen embassies and consulates. The peace process between Iran and Saudi Arabia was on track. Zardari did not have to sit in front of the Rahbar after all.

THE CULMINATION OF THE LAWYER’S MOVEMENT

Some advisers of Zardari, known for their links with the establishment, had made it known that [Chief of Army Staff] Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani wanted [Justice Iftikhar] Chaudhry reinstated [as Chief Justice of Pakistan]. Throughout the day on March 15, [2009] they spoke, first in whispers and later loudly, that troops in Rawalpindi had been alerted in anticipation of some emergency.

Zardari had never mentioned what Kayani wanted. Indeed, he did not heed any talk about it. As the convoy of hundreds of vehicles led by Nawaz Sharif readied in Lahore to march on Islamabad for the “final push”, the chorus by these advisers grew louder, and the push for Chaudhry’s reinstatement stronger. A few, painting a grim picture, even claimed they had heard about the takeover from the horse’s mouth. Their refrain was that a military coup was imminent if Chaudhry were not reinstated immediately.

[Late Night, March 15, 2009]

As I entered the president’s chamber on the fourth floor, Zardari was seated on a rocking chair. Surprisingly, he appeared unfazed. A few close advisers were already present. It was difficult to tell whether he had been informed of the shadows lurking in the compound below. Even if he were aware, he did not seem to care. The late-night meeting was held in the president’s official chamber instead of the committee room, where such meetings were typically conducted.

Twenty-two close associates and advisers had been invited to the huddle, but only thirteen turned up. One suspected they avoided coming at that hour, fearing an army takeover. Those who had been falling over one another for an audience with the president in the morning were conspicuously absent at night, even when asked to come.

Zardari inquired about those who had not turned up. No one had an answer. There was a hushed silence. Everyone pretended that he had not heard what the president had said. Zardari did not press for an answer. It was enough just to point out that several invitees had failed to appear. The message would reach those who did not come for the meeting.

“Sir, my information is that, in a short while, the marchers will set out from Lahore towards the capital and lay siege to the Presidency and PM’s House,” a close adviser said with a drawn face.

Zardari responded, “Sometimes you have to take strong decisions and take a firm position and stand by your decision.” Regarding the threatened march on the Presidency, he said in Urdu: “Ye loagon ka samundar jo Islamabad ki taraf aaraha hai, yeh chand gaarrion ke siwa kuch bhi nahi hoga. Yeh sab drama hai [The sea of people marching towards Islamabad will turn out to be no more than a few cars. It’s all a drama]. Yeh sab drama hai [All this is a drama],” he further emphasised.

He reassured the dozen advisers gathered around him, saying nothing would happen even if the demonstrators were allowed to camp in front of the Presidency for a few days. The cabinet ministers, however, already had cold feet.

A federal minister expressed concern: “A serious law and order situation, even bloodshed, can result if the masses were allowed to converge at the ‘D’ Chowk.” Zardari remained unimpressed. The huddle continued until past midnight. Almost everyone urged the President to reinstate Chaudhry to avert an imminent military takeover. A few who may have thought otherwise kept quiet.

A minister occasionally called someone from the meeting room to ascertain whether the marchers had actually started from Lahore. Every time he made a phone call, he told the president, “Sir, the marchers will start off in a few minutes. They are led by Nawaz and will be joined by groups on the way. I am keeping watch.” The few minutes seemed like an eternity, never-ending. Occasionally, a minister would rise and, coming closer, almost whisper into the president’s ears. One guessed that the advice to reinstate Chaudhry and “save the system” was being whispered. Zardari remained defiant.

Everyone spoke about reinstating Iftikhar Chaudhry. No one talked about reinstating the scores of other sacked judges. Surprised, the president asked why no one talked about reinstating the other sacked judges. No one responded. The president said, “In principle, I am not against the reinstatement of other sacked judges, but I don’t want Chaudhry reinstated.”

“Sir, if you agree to reinstate all other sacked judges, why not also reinstate Chaudhry,” Prime Minister [Yusuf Raza] Gilani asked. “Why, sir?” another asked, endorsing the suggestion. “If it is right to reinstate other sacked judges, why would it be wrong to reinstate Chaudhry?”

Almost in chorus, everyone said that all sacked judges, including Chaudhry, should be reinstated.

As everyone stressed Chaudhry’s reinstatement, Zardari once again said, “I know Chaudhry more than you do.” He explained that it would be wrong because, to reinstate Chaudhry, he would have to sack the sitting chief justice, Abdul Hameed Dogar. “I will not do it under any circumstances. Dogar has been appointed under the Constitution. I will not go against the Constitution.”

He reminded the advisers around him that Shaheed Benazir Bhutto also didn’t favour reinstating Chaudhry, although she protested the sacking of judges. “We cannot ditch Dogar unceremoniously and unconstitutionally,” he said. Zardari then talked about Chaudhry and said that some people had brought messages from him that he would not cause any problems if reinstated. He did not name the messengers. “His [Chaudhry’s] methods were not like [that of] a Chief Justice,” Zardari told the meeting.

At one point, Zardari blurted: “Wo qasmain kha raha tha ke Saab ko meri taraf se guarantee de do [He swore to assure me that he would not cause any problem to me],” Zardari recalled.

“I cannot talk more than this,” he said, leaving everyone guessing. He was surprised at how his close associates had ditched him at this hour and left him alone in the ring. He turned around to look closely at a go-getter federal minister as if saying to him, “Et tu, Brute?”

Once again, he firmly said he would not sack Dogar to bring in Chaudhry, “come what may.” Gilani pointed out that Dogar would be retiring in a week, and Chaudhry could be reinstated after Dogar’s retirement. “Chaudhry will not mind waiting for a week,” he said. There was silence as all eyes turned towards Zardari.

Zardari was silent, signalling his agreement.

THE ‘MEMOGATE’ CRISIS

The Memogate scandal, which turned into a political and security crisis, seemed like a suicide attack on Zardari by the army chief and DG ISI, aided by the opposition leader at the time and CJP (Chief Justice of Pakistan) Iftikhar Chaudhry.

It consumed Zardari worse than any other personal or political crisis he had thus far endured. While it is indeed remarkable that he survived it, to claim that he was unscathed would be wrong and not borne out by facts. He was badly bruised.

The army and ISI chiefs claimed that the memo to [US Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral] Mike Mullen was not fake. They asserted it existed and that Zardari wanted to use the US against the army and ISI in the aftermath of the raid on the Osama bin Laden (OBL) compound. They blamed [Pakistan ambassador to the US, Husain] Haqqani as the conduit for the memo but actually aimed at Zardari as the mastermind.

In TV talk shows, Zardari was painted as an evil incarnate who conspired against the military leadership and the ISI. References were made to the Kerry-Lugar Bill that linked US aid to Pakistan with democracy in the country and blamed it on Zardari-Haqqani. Doomsday predictions were made that Ambassador Haqqani would turn into an approver. References were made to his alleged admission in the past of having links as a student with the ISI chief [under Gen Zia] Akhtar Abdul Rehman. Suggestions were made that some civilians who were aware may have blown the OBL cover.

Who else among the civilians would know more about the cover than President Asif Ali Zardari? The president, indeed, was under siege. Accused of treason, he stood at the centre of the storm. Embattled and defiant, Zardari decided to go down fighting. To send a message of defiance, he announced he would address a joint session of Parliament and make some hard-hitting statements by directly addressing the nation. He was ready to fight to the finish.

The announcement to address Parliament created an uproar. He was accused of pitting parliament against the judiciary and the army. Zardari did not care.

“President and supreme commander of the armed forces Asif Ali Zardari has decided to address [a] joint session of the Parliament after Muharram and called upon the government to take appropriate steps in this regard,” said a brief press release issued by the Presidency. Never before had the title “supreme commander of the armed forces” been used for President Zardari in official press releases.

But today, Zardari asked that the press release clearly state that the “supreme commander of the armed forces” had decided to address Parliament. The decision about the time and date of the address was left to the government to allow him to choose the timing. The press release also referred to iconic pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar for “standing up to mountains of hardship for the cause.”

The president approved the draft press release before it was issued. The die was cast. Enough was enough. He invited a small group of advisers to his residence for discussions to prepare the draft of the address to Parliament. Nearly half a dozen advisers came for the preparatory meeting. Zardari began speaking to prepare the pitch for his speech points. I pulled out my pen and notebook.

Soon, it became clear that he was laying bare his distressed mind and soul more than indicating points for a formal speech. It was yet another monologue, as in meetings with the Sri Lankan dignitaries and the Korean business delegation the previous week.

He alone spoke uninterruptedly, words coming out of his mouth like a torrent. He spoke for nearly two hours. Words and sentences gushed out of his lips like a heavy downpour. Sometimes he was highly sublime, at other times too mundane and abrasive. That he was deeply distressed was not in doubt.

Aware that the president had been stressed this past week, his personal physician, Dr Asim, barged into the meeting uninvited. He did not want the president to remain engaged in a brainstorming session for too long. Dr Asim was casually dressed, as if straight from the bedroom.

Seeing him, the president clapped, as if to draw attention to an unwelcome intrusion and firmly asked Dr Asim not to disturb him. Dr Asim retreated. As emotions turned into anger, Zardari resumed: “I am the supreme commander. I can destroy my enemies. If anyone thinks that I will surrender, he is mistaken. I am not going to run away.” He also threatened: “I know many things. Kayani is under me; I am not under them. Nobody should think that manipulations against me will succeed.”

“I will defeat all manipulators,” he declared. Without naming anyone, he said, “They are playing with me, but I will play with them.” He seemed to indict Kayani and Pasha. Then he softened somewhat: “But I will not talk. I have to protect the country. I will.”

I scribbled in shorthand as he spoke. I did this not to prepare his speech but for the sake of history and to record how intrigues at the highest state levels had pushed the civilian president to the brink.

“I am radiating energy, Farhatullah, that you don’t understand,” he said, looking at me as he noticed me scribbling. He once again clapped his hands and said, “Laughter is the best medicine. It releases frustration.” Then he laughed out loud, asking us to laugh with him. Obligingly, everyone giggled. Once or twice, he clapped, which exaggerated the laughter.

It brought to mind [US Secretary of State] Henry Kissinger’s memoirs of [US] President Nixon, when he was mired in Watergate and deeply distressed. One night, the president telephoned Kissinger and called him to the White House during the crisis. When Kissinger came, Nixon told him, “Henry, you are not a very orthodox Jew, and I am not an orthodox Quaker, but we need to pray,” and went down on his knees. Obligingly, Kissinger knelt, too.

Zardari, mired in Memogate, asked his advisers to laugh with him as he laid bare his soul, and everyone did. Suddenly, looking at me, he said, “Do you know why I did not send you to the Senate [in the last Senate election in 2009]? You are a credible face of the Party, and when you speak, people trust you. You speak for me. I asked you to work with me even though, when you worked with Bibi, you did not think highly of me. You also thought I was corrupt.”

When I tried to say something, he stopped me.

Turning sublime and philosophical, he started talking about how, with a trained mind, focused thoughts, and an outpouring of love, one can even control the universe. Love embraces everything. He seemed to be reading from Rumi’s treatise on love. He hopped from one subject to another as everyone listened.

Next, he spoke about the power of words. Positive words inspire, while negative words cause stress and anxiety and can be demoralising. “Watch your words,” he asked everyone. He alternated between the sublime and the mundane as he said again: “No one should think of intrigues against me. I will defeat them.”

Exhausted, he asked for tea for everyone.

After over two hours of monologue, the president called off the meeting and asked to reassemble later that night. The “briefing session” was postponed until after dinner. The aborted midday preparatory meeting resumed after dinner.

Once again, the president began by lamenting how he had been demonised and wronged in life. Some unforgettable and telling words and sentences stuck in the mind: “I worshipped Bibi, not merely loved her. She was far beyond even the feelings of love. I have lost her. She sacrificed her life.” “What else is there for me to give?”

“I was accused of every crime on earth. I was accused of murder, of killing my own brother-in-law. I was accused of drug smuggling, of tying a bomb to the leg to extort money.” “Is there anything of which I have not been accused?” “I endured all this. I have been wronged.”

Baring his anguished soul, his words came out from the depths of his heart, creating a tapestry of admiration and respect that was difficult to explain. His words pierced the heart as he spoke and were profoundly moving. His voice became louder, and his speech incoherent. The next moment, it faltered, and his body shook. Then he began to stutter.

He struggled for the words to come out of his lips. Words that had flowed like a torrent before were now coming out with difficulty and haltingly. Each word was a struggle to come out of his mouth.

Then the stutter vanished, and he turned pale. His head swung to the right as he slipped on the sofa. A bottle of water was rushed, but it was hard to make him drink. He lay on the sofa, his feet dangling. He was helped to lie on the carpet on the floor. Someone rushed out to call for medical help.

Before the physician arrived, a trained valet barged into the room and administered some emergency tablets on his own. He knew what to do almost by reflex action if something went wrong. He removed Zardari’s socks, which were moist with sweat. Artificial resuscitation was also tried, but only briefly. It was not needed. The military secretary also rushed in. Everyone left the room. Minister of State Kamal Majidullah and I, however, stayed behind. Doctors called in emergency had arrived. A stretcher was brought in to take the president to his bedroom. The shades of night had fallen. It was 10:30pm.

As he was being shifted to the bedroom, I looked at him more closely again, fighting back the thought that it might be the last time. This was not the fate he deserved. It was hard to look at him. He was going down fighting. If it were his last battle, it was also his best. Shakespeare wrote: “He was a man, take him for all in all, I shall not look upon his like again.”

Excerpted with permission from The Zardari Presidency (2008-13): Now It Must Be Told, by Farhatullah Babar and published by Lightstone Publishers

The writer is a former senator and served as Asif Ali Zardari’s spokesperson during his first presidential term (2008-2013)

Published in Dawn, EOS, June 15th, 2025